Identifying the innocent

Globe and Mail Update

"I have more faith in the court system today than I did yesterday," Stephen Truscott told a news conference on Tuesday, just hours after Ontario's highest court acquitted him of the 1959 rape and murder of 12-year-old Lynne Harper.

The unanimous, 300-page Ontario Court of Appeal ruling provided the final chapter in a legal whodunit that captured public interest like no other in modern Canadian history.

"The appellant in this case served 10 years in the penitentiary and has lived his entire adult life in the shadow of a conviction that we have concluded must be quashed as a miscarriage of justice," the five-judge panel observed.

Earlier in the day, Ontario's Attorney General Michael Bryant apologized to Mr. Truscott.

"On behalf of the government, I am truly sorry. It is a decision that will not be appealed by the Crown — it is over."

But it was an apology Mr. Truscott rejected.

"I know he apologized on behalf of the government, but I don't really feel that his apology was sincere," Mr. Truscott said. "For the past 4½ years, they had the same evidence as the judges had, and they chose to fight us every step of the way.

"The justice system — the Crown — fought us from the very beginning to the very end. The Crown chooses not to think about justice. It would almost appear that they are more interested in convictions."

It's a tough question. What is the role of the Crown? Should a court decision, regardless of when and how it was made, be defended at all costs? And is the justice system getting any better at identifying its mistakes?

Lawyer Philip Campbell, a member of the Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted and a member of Mr. Truscott's legal team, is online now until 12:30 p.m. EDT to answer your questions about the justice system and the rights of the wrongly convicted.

Join the Conversation or submit a question or comment. Your questions and Mr. Campbell's answers appear at the bottom of this page.

Mr. Campbell is a graduate of the University of Toronto faculty of law (1982) and was a called to the bar in 1984. He is the partner of James Lockyer and Richard Posner in Lockyer Campbell Posner, a Toronto law firm practising exclusively in the area of criminal law.

Mr. Campbell's work is devoted primarily to complex and serious criminal litigation, including homicides, constitutional challenges, extradition, and fraud. He has a great deal of experience in applications to the Minister of Justice, under Part XXI.1 of the Criminal Code, seeking to correct historic wrongful convictions.

Editor's Note: globeandmail.com editors will read and allow or reject each question/comment. Comments/questions may be edited for length or clarity. HTML is not allowed. We will not publish questions/comments that include personal attacks on participants in these discussions, that make false or unsubstantiated allegations, that purport to quote people or reports where the purported quote or fact cannot be easily verified, or questions/comments that include vulgar language or libellous statements. Preference will be given to readers who submit questions/comments using their full name and home town, rather than a pseudonym.

Jim Sheppard, Executive Editor, globeandmail.com: Mr. Campbell, thanks for joining us today to take questions from our readers. I'd like to start by asking you to tackle these broad questions:

"What is the role of the Crown — the attorney general, the prosecutors etc. — when serious questions arise about a possible miscarriage of justice?

Should a court decision — regardless of when and how it was made — be defended at all costs?

Is the Canadian justice system getting any better at identifying and correcting its mistakes?

Philip Campbell: Those are fundamental questions in a justice system that depends on an adversarial process — two sides each making their best case and pointing out flaws in the opposing case.

But the Supreme Court of Canada more than half a century ago, in its judgment in R v Boucher, made it clear that counsel for the Crown are expected to rise above the adversarial contest and serve the court in a different (and more demanding) way.

In words that should be inscribed on every prosecutor's desk, Justice Rand said:

"It cannot be over-emphasized that the purpose of a criminal prosecution is not to obtain a conviction. It is to lay before a jury what the Crown considers to be credible evidence relevant to what is alleged to be a crime.

"Counsel have a duty to see that all available legal proof of the facts is presented. It should be done firmly and pressed to its legitimate strength, but it must also be done fairly.

"The role of prosecutor excludes any notion of winning or losing. His function is a matter of public duty . . . in civil life, there can be none charged with greater personal responsibility.

"It is to be efficiently performed with an ingrained sense of the dignity, the seriousness and the justness of judicial proceedings."

Another judge in the same case referred to Crown counsel as a "Minister of Justice" — a decidedly different role from a committed partisan.

That spirit is intended to guide prosecutors in every case, not only in ones where after the trial the risk of error is apparent.

It might be thought that if that standard were adhered to at trials, there would be fewer wrongful convictions in need of correction later.

Indeed, one of the things that we see repeatedly in trying to unravel wrongful convictions is Crown attorneys who attempt to establish their credibility in the eyes of jurors by claiming that kind of neutral, detached role and then behaving in the most nakedly adversarial manner.

So, no, a court decision should be respected as the conclusion of a piece of litigation but it should not be defended at all costs.

Those costs can be dreadfully high and it is an illusion to imagine that insisting a verdict was right protects the reputation or integrity of the justice system.

Perhaps in the time of Steven Truscott's trial — the 1950s — the public could be persuaded of the infallibility of the justice system.

Those days are gone and the mark of a mature, credible justice system today, in my view, is its ability to confront the reality of error honestly and set it right.

That is both what the public expects and what justice demands.

And, yes, we are getting better at identifying mistakes. It's always a struggle but we have learned a lot in perhaps the last fifteen years.

What I think must be avoided is the conceit that what happened to Steven Truscott could not happen now because we are more sophisticated and have more safeguards in place.

That is a dangerous attitude and a recipe for wrongful convictions in a system dependent on human judgment.

Jasmine Francis, Halifax: I've been following this case for decades and I'm really pleased that Mr. Truscott has been acquitted.

I have two questions: What, in your opinion, is the reason that it struck such a powerful chord with the Canadian public? And, what are the chances of the real killer being caught?

Philip Campbell: Jasmine, in the early years, the case was so prominent because of the youthful victim and the youthful accused, sentenced to hang. That was a pretty unusual set of circumstances.

I think it has lingered in the public consciousness because of one generation talking to the next. I exchanged e-mails this morning with an uncle who read about the case in the 1960s, when I was just a boy, and told me about it. I never dreamed I'd be Steve's lawyer at the end of the story 40 years later. There are a lot of Canadians like me, I believe.

And I also think there is something special about Steve Truscott, fortified by his wife Marlene, that strikes a chord with the public. His decency, and his innocence along with it, can be sensed by people who see him.

I personally think that finding Lynne Harper's killer is impossible today, if he is alive.

In the absence of DNA even with good suspects located (and there are a number who were never investigated at the time) there would be no practical means of proving a case.

That is one of the tragedies of this case and similar ones.

Steve McCullough, Orangeville, Ont.: The problem with the Truscott case — as with many others — is that true justice never seems to be carried out. Either public outrage or political pressure never lets proper criminal investigations take their proper course.

The Truscott case should prove once and for all that the time needed to complete a proper criminal investigation should take top priority and that any questionable situations or matters should be fully investigated. Only then will true justice be served.

Philip Campbell: I see a lot of excellent police work which leads to unassailable prosecutions that nail the right guy.

Most homicide detectives know that public or political pressure comes with the job and while they don't welcome it, they appreciate that they have to resist it.

So I am not keen to generalize about widespread failures based on these factors. But they certainly do influence some cases and when it happens the consequences can ripple though many lives over many decades.

You are absolutely right that when it happens, it's a formula for error.

And I can't think about the events of June 9-12, 1959, when a well-liked 14-year-old boy got pegged as a sex killer, in the absence of a shred of physical evidence, as one of the most vivid examples of the phenomenon.

Good investigation takes time.

Tim Bee: I believe the justice system will improve only when prosecutors and police are held accountable for the violations of the law that they are involved in regarding withholding evidence, etc. Maybe jail time for them is necessary when they are caught doing these types of things.

Philip Campbell: Tim, the Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted (AIDWYC) regards accountability as one of the keys to preventing future wrongful convictions.

Sometimes the error — even if it has terrible results — is a result of ordinary human fallibility and I can sympathize. I didn't start doing this kind of work to become a prosecutor of prosecutors.

But if the cause of an error rests in official incompetence, it should be exposed and the person held accountable.

We do that with other public office-holders and we ought not to avoid it with those entrusted with the most powerful tools of state authority — arrest and prosecution.

Jail? Not often, but I have seen a case or two where the term "obstruction of justice" pretty much describes what has occurred and I think it would be healthy if officers and prosecutors recognized that jail was among the sanctions available for suppressing evidence or interfering with witnesses.

Grumpy Old Man, Winnipeg: It seems to me that police, followed by the Crown, get tunnel-vision in some cases. They narrow their focus on someone who "seems right" to the exclusion of all others, then make the facts fit that assumption.

Then, it becomes a matter of the Crown — often with astounding arrogance — doing everything in its power to prevent inquiries. Lastly, even more incredible, the Crown refuse to apologize for its mistakes.

Philip Campbell: Grumpy, tunnel vision is a huge part of the whole picture of wrongful convictions. It not only explains how they occur but it produces an immoveable certainty which makes it harder to correct them.

Evidence is no better than the person evaluating it. Again and again, we see the details of the prosecution changed and adjusted as we present new evidence because the reasoning begins from the starting point that the offender has been identified. So new data has to be made compatible with that conclusion.

It can become absurd — remember the Crowns who thought that Guy Paul Morin, if he was not the donor of the DNA on Christine Jessop's remains, then he must have had an accomplice. Such bizarrely distorted thinking.

I must say that an apology seems the least a civilized society should be able to manage after locking up an innocent citizen. What could be more basic? But they are hard to come by. And they are best done in person.

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